Once more, tis the season! Hope you had an excellent year of science and R coding. This card requires the igraph library - it (loosely) relies on an infection (S-I model) moving through a network :-)
To view season's greetings from 2016:
Go to the gist and download the file directly ("download gist") or hit "raw" and copy/paste. Or, copy and paste the code below.
Users of Rstudio will not be able to see the animation, so base R is highly recommended.
For those not able or willing to run the card, you can view it and the past years' cards here!
Monday, December 19, 2016
Tuesday, December 13, 2016
150 years of 'ecology'
The word ‘ecology’ was coined 150 years ago by Ernst Haeckel in his book Generelle Morphologie der Organismen published in 1866. Mike Begon gave a fascinating talk at the British Ecological Society meeting in Liverpool on what ecology as meant over these past 150 years and what it should mean in the future. The description of ecology that follows, is largely taken from Begon’s remarks.
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Ernst Haeckel, 1860 |
Haeckel defined ecology as ‘the science of the relations of organism to its surrounding outside world (environment)’, which is in obvious contrast to the then burgeoning science of physiology, which was concerned with the world inside of an organism. Interestingly, the first 50 years of this new field of ecology was dominated by the study of plants. In America, Clements, while in the UK, Tansley, both saw ecology as the description of patterns of plant in relation to the outside world. In many ways, this conception of ecology was what Haeckel had envisioned.
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Frederic Clements |
However, by the 1960s, the domain of ecology began to grow rapidly. Ecologists like Odum used ‘ecology’ to mean the structure and function of ecosystems, while others focussed on the abundance and distribution of species. By this time ecology had grown to encapsulate all aspects of organismal patterns and functions in nature.
The post-60s period saw another expansion -namely the value of ecology. While Begon points out that text books, including his, focussed on the science of ecology in its pure form, many were ignoring the fact that ecology had/has important repercussions for how humanity will need to deal with the massive environmental impacts we’ve had on Earth’s natural systems. That is, the science of ecology can provide the foundation by which applied management solutions can be built. I personally believe that applied ecology has only just begun its ascension to being the most important element of ecological science (but I’m biassed -being the Executive Editor of the Journal of Applied Ecology). Just like how human physiology has become problem oriented, often focussed on human disease, ecology will too become more problem oriented and focus on our sick patients.
Begon went on to say what ecology should be in the near future. He juxtaposed the fact and truth based necessity of science to the post-truth Brexit/Trump era we now find ourselves in. If ecologists and scientists are to engage the public, and alter self-destructive behaviours, it cannot be with logic and evidence alone. He argued that we need to message like those post-truthers. Use metaphors, simple messages that are repeated, repeated, and repeated.
Friday, November 25, 2016
Can coexistence theories coexist?
These days, the term ‘niche’ manages to cover both incredibly vague and incredibly specific ideas. All the many ways of thinking about an organism’s niche fill the literature, with various degrees of inter-connection and non-independence. The two dominant descriptions in modern ecology (last 30 years or so) are from ‘contemporary niche theory’ and ‘modern coexistence theory’. Contemporary niche theory is developed from consumer-resource theory, where organisms' interactions occur via usage of shared resources. (Though it has expanded to incorporate predators, mutualists, etc), Analytical tools such as ZNGIs and R* values can be used to predict the likelihood of coexistence (e.g. Tilman 1981, Chase & Leibold 2003). Modern coexistence theory is rooted in Peter Chesson’s 2000 ARES review (and earlier work), and describes coexistence in terms of fitness and niche components that allow positive population growth.
On the surface these two theories share many conceptual similarities, particularly the focus on measuring niche overlap for coexistence. [Chesson’s original work explicitly connects the R* values from Tilman’s work to species’ fitnesses in his framework as well]. But as a new article in Ecological Monographs points out, the two theories are separated in the literature and in practice. The divergence started with their theoretical foundations: niche theory relied on consumer-resource models and explicit, mechanistic understanding of organisms’ resource usage, while coexistence theory was presented in terms of Lotka-Volterra competition models and so phenomenological (e.g. the mechanisms determining competition coefficients values are not directly measured). The authors note, “This trade-off between mechanistic precision (e.g. which resources are regulating coexistence?) and phenomenological accuracy (e.g. can they coexist?) has been inherited by the two frameworks….”
There are strengths and weaknesses to both approaches, and both have been used in important ecological studies. So it's surprising that they are rarely mentioned in the same breathe. Letten et al. answer an important question: when directly compared, can we translate the concepts and terms from contemporary niche theory into modern coexistence theory and vice versa?
So how do these two descriptions of coexistence relate to each other? Letten et al. demonstrate that:
1) Changing the supply rates of resources (for CNT) impacts the fitness ratio (equalizing term in MCT). This is a nice illustration of how the environment affects the fitness ratios of species in MCT.
2) Increasing overlap of the impact niche between two species under CNT is consistent with increasing overlap of modern coexistence theory's niche too. When two species have similar impacts on their resources, there should be very high niche overlap (weak stabilizing term) under MCT too.
3) When two species' ZNGI area converge (i.e. the conditions necessary for positive growth rates), it affects both the stabilizing and equalizing terms in MCT. However, this has little meaningful effect on coexistence (since niche overlap increases, but fitness differences decrease as well).
This is a helpful advance because Letten et al. make these two frameworks speak the same (mathematical) language. Further, this connects a phenomological framework with a (more) mechanistic one. The stabilizing-equalizing concept framework (MCT) has been incredibly useful as a way of understanding why we see coexistence, but it is not meant to predict coexistence in new environments/with new combinations of species. On the other hand, contemporary niche theory can be predictive, but is unwieldy and information intensive. One way forward may be this: reconciling the similarities in how both frameworks think about coexistence.
Letten, Andrew D., Ke, Po-Ju, Fukami, Tadashi. 2016. Linking modern coexistence theory and contemporary niche theory. Ecological Monographs: 557-7015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ecm.1242
(This is a monograph for a reason, so I am just covering the major points Letten et al provide in the paper. It's definitely worth a careful read as well!).
On the surface these two theories share many conceptual similarities, particularly the focus on measuring niche overlap for coexistence. [Chesson’s original work explicitly connects the R* values from Tilman’s work to species’ fitnesses in his framework as well]. But as a new article in Ecological Monographs points out, the two theories are separated in the literature and in practice. The divergence started with their theoretical foundations: niche theory relied on consumer-resource models and explicit, mechanistic understanding of organisms’ resource usage, while coexistence theory was presented in terms of Lotka-Volterra competition models and so phenomenological (e.g. the mechanisms determining competition coefficients values are not directly measured). The authors note, “This trade-off between mechanistic precision (e.g. which resources are regulating coexistence?) and phenomenological accuracy (e.g. can they coexist?) has been inherited by the two frameworks….”
There are strengths and weaknesses to both approaches, and both have been used in important ecological studies. So it's surprising that they are rarely mentioned in the same breathe. Letten et al. answer an important question: when directly compared, can we translate the concepts and terms from contemporary niche theory into modern coexistence theory and vice versa?
Background - when is coexistence expected?
Contemporary niche theory (CNT) (for the simplest case of two limiting resources): for each species, you must know the consumption or impact they have on each resource; the ratio at which the two resources are supplied, and the ZNGIs (zero net growth isoclines, which delimit the resource conditions a species can grow in). Coexistence occurs when the species are better competitors for different resources, when each species has a greater impact on their more limiting resource, and when the supply ratio of the two resources doesn’t favour one species over the other. (simple!)
For modern coexistence theory (MCT), stable coexistence occurs when the combination of fitness differences and niche differences between species allow both species to maintain positive per capita growth rates. As niche overlap decreases, increasingly small fitness differences are necessary for coexistence.
Contemporary niche theory (CNT) (for the simplest case of two limiting resources): for each species, you must know the consumption or impact they have on each resource; the ratio at which the two resources are supplied, and the ZNGIs (zero net growth isoclines, which delimit the resource conditions a species can grow in). Coexistence occurs when the species are better competitors for different resources, when each species has a greater impact on their more limiting resource, and when the supply ratio of the two resources doesn’t favour one species over the other. (simple!)
For modern coexistence theory (MCT), stable coexistence occurs when the combination of fitness differences and niche differences between species allow both species to maintain positive per capita growth rates. As niche overlap decreases, increasingly small fitness differences are necessary for coexistence.
So how do these two descriptions of coexistence relate to each other? Letten et al. demonstrate that:
1) Changing the supply rates of resources (for CNT) impacts the fitness ratio (equalizing term in MCT). This is a nice illustration of how the environment affects the fitness ratios of species in MCT.
2) Increasing overlap of the impact niche between two species under CNT is consistent with increasing overlap of modern coexistence theory's niche too. When two species have similar impacts on their resources, there should be very high niche overlap (weak stabilizing term) under MCT too.
3) When two species' ZNGI area converge (i.e. the conditions necessary for positive growth rates), it affects both the stabilizing and equalizing terms in MCT. However, this has little meaningful effect on coexistence (since niche overlap increases, but fitness differences decrease as well).
This is a helpful advance because Letten et al. make these two frameworks speak the same (mathematical) language. Further, this connects a phenomological framework with a (more) mechanistic one. The stabilizing-equalizing concept framework (MCT) has been incredibly useful as a way of understanding why we see coexistence, but it is not meant to predict coexistence in new environments/with new combinations of species. On the other hand, contemporary niche theory can be predictive, but is unwieldy and information intensive. One way forward may be this: reconciling the similarities in how both frameworks think about coexistence.
Letten, Andrew D., Ke, Po-Ju, Fukami, Tadashi. 2016. Linking modern coexistence theory and contemporary niche theory. Ecological Monographs: 557-7015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ecm.1242
(This is a monograph for a reason, so I am just covering the major points Letten et al provide in the paper. It's definitely worth a careful read as well!).
Wednesday, November 16, 2016
The value of ecology through metaphor
The romanticized view of an untouched, pristine ecosystem is unrealistic; we now live in a world where every major ecosystem has been impacted by human activities. From pollution and deforestation, to the introduction of non-native species, our activity has influenced natural systems around the globe. At the same time, ecologists have largely focused on ‘intact’ or ‘natural’ systems in order to uncover the fundamental operations of nature. Ecological theory abounds with explanations for ecological patterns and processes. However, given that the world is increasingly human dominated and urbanized, we need a better understanding of how biodiversity and ecosystem function can be sustained in the presence of human domination. If our ecological theories provide powerful insights into ecological systems, then human dominated landscapes are where they are desperately needed to solve problems.
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From the Spectator |
This demand to solve problems is not unique to ecology, other scientific disciplines measure their value in terms of direct contributions to human well-being. The most obvious is human biology. Human biology has transitioned from gross morphology, to physiology, to molecular mechanisms controlling cellular function, and all of these tools provide powerful insights into how humans are put together and how our bodies function. Yet, as much as these tools are used to understand how healthy people function, human biologists often stay focussed on how to cure sick people. That is, the proximate value ascribed to human biology research is in its ability to cure disease and improve peoples’ lives.
In Ecology, our sick patients are heavily impacted and urbanized landscapes. By understanding how natural systems function can provide insights into strategies to improve degraded ecosystems. This value of ecological science manifests itself in shifts in funding and publishing. We now have synthesis centres that focus on the human-environment interaction (e.g., SESYNC). The journals that publish papers that provide applied solutions to ecological and environmental problems (e.g., Journal of Applied Ecology, Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment, etc.) have gained in prominence over the past decade. But more can be done.
We should keep the ‘sick patient’ metaphor in the back of our minds at all times and ask how our scientific endeavours can help improve the health of ecosystems. I was once a graduate student that pursued purely theoretical tests of how ecosystems are put together, and now I am the executive editor of an applied journal. I think that ecologists should feel like they can develop solutions to environmental problems, and that their underlying science gives them a unique perspective to improving the quality of life for our sick patients.
Monday, November 7, 2016
What is a community ecologist anyways?
I am organizing a 'community ecology' reading group, and someone asked me whether I didn’t think focusing on communities wasn’t a little restrictive. And no. The thought never crossed my mind. Which I realized is because I internally define community ecology as a large set of things including ‘everything I work on’ :-) When people ask me what I do, I usually say I’m a community ecologist.
Obviously community ecology is the study of ecological communities [“theoretical ideal the complete set of organisms living in a particular place and time as an ecological community sensu lato”, Vellend 2016]. But in practice, it's very difficult to define the boundaries of what a community is (Ricklefs 2008), and the scale of time and space is rather flexible.
Perhaps my definition is so broad as to be uninformative, and my colleague's is too narrow to include all areas. But it is my interest in community ecology that leads me to sometimes think about larger spatial and temporal scales. Maybe that's what community ecologists have in common: the flexibility needed to deal with the complexities of ecological communities.
Obviously community ecology is the study of ecological communities [“theoretical ideal the complete set of organisms living in a particular place and time as an ecological community sensu lato”, Vellend 2016]. But in practice, it's very difficult to define the boundaries of what a community is (Ricklefs 2008), and the scale of time and space is rather flexible.
So I suppose my working definition has been that a community ecologist researches groups of organisms and understands them in terms of ecological processes. There is flexibility in terms of spatial and temporal scale, number and type of trophic levels, interaction type and number, or response variables of interest. It’s also true that this definition could be encompass much of modern ecology…
On the other hand, a colleague argued that only the specific study of species interactions should be considered as ‘community ecology’: e.g. pollination ecology, predator-prey interactions, competition, probably food web and multi-trophic level interactions.
Perhaps my definition is so broad as to be uninformative, and my colleague's is too narrow to include all areas. But it is my interest in community ecology that leads me to sometimes think about larger spatial and temporal scales. Maybe that's what community ecologists have in common: the flexibility needed to deal with the complexities of ecological communities.
Monday, October 17, 2016
Reviewing peer review: gender, location and other sources of bias
For academic scientists, publications are the primary currency for success, and so peer review is a central part of scientific life. When discussing peer review, it’s always worth remembering that since it depends on ‘peers’, broader issues across ecology are often reflected in issues with peer review. A series of papers from Charles W. Fox--and coauthors Burns, Muncy, and Meyer--do a great job of illustrating this point, showing how diversity issues in ecology are writ small in the peer review process.
The journal Functional Ecology provided the authors up to 10 years of data on the submission, editorial, and review process (between 2004 and 2014, maximum). This data provides a unique opportunity to explore how factors such as gender and geographic local affects the peer review process and outcomes, and also how this has changed over the past decade.
Author and reviewer gender were assigned using an online database (genderize.io) that includes 200,000 names and an associated probability reflecting the genders for each name. Geographic location of editors and reviewers were also identified based on their profiles. There are some clear limitations to this approach, particularly that Asian names had to be excluded. Still, 97% of names were present in the genderize.io database, and 94% of those names were associated with a single gender >90% of the time.
Many—even most—of Fox et al.’s findings are in line with what has already been shown regarding the causes and effects of gender gaps in academia. But they are interesting, nonetheless. Some of the gender gaps seem to be tied to age: senior editors were all male, and although females make up 43% of first authors on papers submitted to Functional Ecology, they are only 25% of senior authors.
Implicit biases in identifying reviewers are also fairly common: far fewer women were suggested then men, even when female authors or female editors were identifying reviewers. Female editors did invite more female reviewers than male editors. ("Male editors selected less than 25 percent female reviewers even in the year they selected the most women, but female editors consistently selected ~30–35 percent female"). Female authors also suggested slightly more female reviewers than male authors did.
Some of the statistics are great news: there was no effect of author gender or editor gender on how papers were handled and their chances of acceptance, for example. Further, the mean score given to a paper by male and female reviewers did not differ – reviewer gender isn’t affecting your paper’s chance of acceptance. And when the last or senior author on a paper is female, a greater proportion of all the authors on the paper are female too.
The most surprising statistic, to me, was that there was a small (2%) but consistent effect of handling editor gender on the likelihood that male reviewers would respond to review requests. They were less likely to respond and less likely to agree to review, if the editor making the request is female.
That there are still observable effects of gender in peer review despite an increasing awareness of the issue should tell us that the effects of other forms of less-discussed bias are probably similar or greater. Fox et al. hint at this when they show how important the effect of geographic locale is on reviewer choice. Overwhelmingly editors over-selected reviewers from their own geographic locality. This is not surprising, since social and professional networks are geographically driven, but it can have the effect of making science more insular. Other sources of bias – race, country of origin, language – are more difficult to measure from this data, but hopefully the results from these papers are reminders that such biases can have measurable effects.
The journal Functional Ecology provided the authors up to 10 years of data on the submission, editorial, and review process (between 2004 and 2014, maximum). This data provides a unique opportunity to explore how factors such as gender and geographic local affects the peer review process and outcomes, and also how this has changed over the past decade.
Author and reviewer gender were assigned using an online database (genderize.io) that includes 200,000 names and an associated probability reflecting the genders for each name. Geographic location of editors and reviewers were also identified based on their profiles. There are some clear limitations to this approach, particularly that Asian names had to be excluded. Still, 97% of names were present in the genderize.io database, and 94% of those names were associated with a single gender >90% of the time.
Many—even most—of Fox et al.’s findings are in line with what has already been shown regarding the causes and effects of gender gaps in academia. But they are interesting, nonetheless. Some of the gender gaps seem to be tied to age: senior editors were all male, and although females make up 43% of first authors on papers submitted to Functional Ecology, they are only 25% of senior authors.
Implicit biases in identifying reviewers are also fairly common: far fewer women were suggested then men, even when female authors or female editors were identifying reviewers. Female editors did invite more female reviewers than male editors. ("Male editors selected less than 25 percent female reviewers even in the year they selected the most women, but female editors consistently selected ~30–35 percent female"). Female authors also suggested slightly more female reviewers than male authors did.
Some of the statistics are great news: there was no effect of author gender or editor gender on how papers were handled and their chances of acceptance, for example. Further, the mean score given to a paper by male and female reviewers did not differ – reviewer gender isn’t affecting your paper’s chance of acceptance. And when the last or senior author on a paper is female, a greater proportion of all the authors on the paper are female too.
The most surprising statistic, to me, was that there was a small (2%) but consistent effect of handling editor gender on the likelihood that male reviewers would respond to review requests. They were less likely to respond and less likely to agree to review, if the editor making the request is female.
That there are still observable effects of gender in peer review despite an increasing awareness of the issue should tell us that the effects of other forms of less-discussed bias are probably similar or greater. Fox et al. hint at this when they show how important the effect of geographic locale is on reviewer choice. Overwhelmingly editors over-selected reviewers from their own geographic locality. This is not surprising, since social and professional networks are geographically driven, but it can have the effect of making science more insular. Other sources of bias – race, country of origin, language – are more difficult to measure from this data, but hopefully the results from these papers are reminders that such biases can have measurable effects.
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From Fox et al. 2016a. |
References:
Fox, C. W., Burns, C. S., Muncy, A. D. and Meyer, J. A. (2016), Gender differences in patterns of authorship do not affect peer review outcomes at an ecology journal. Funct Ecol, 30: 126–139. doi:10.1111/1365-2435.12587
Fox, C. W., Burns, C. S., Meyer, J. A. (2016), Editor and reviewer gender influence the peer review process but not peer review outcomes at an ecology journal. Functional Ecology, 30: 140–153. doi: 10.1111/1365-2435.12529
Fox, C. W., Burns, C. S., Meyer, J. A. (2016), Editor and reviewer gender influence the peer review process but not peer review outcomes at an ecology journal. Functional Ecology, 30: 140–153. doi: 10.1111/1365-2435.12529
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